To what can the intellectual roots of libertarianism be treated?
Currently the issue is not whether an African region is under French or Belgian sovereignty but whether the economic zones are safeguarded. Artillery shelling and scorched earth policy have been replaced by an economic dependency.
Obama told the Ghanaian parliament, Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner.
But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants.
No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy; that is tyranny, and now is the time for it to end. Yet while the IMF directed industrialized nations to enact stimulus plans and bank bailouts, Africa and other Third World regions were compelled to accept spending cuts and other harsh conditions for loans.
The last few decades of neoliberal policy have spelled disaster for the vast majority of ordinary Africans. The comments from Obama and Lagarde illustrate two general kinds of explanations in the mainstream media and official circles about the causes of poverty in Africa, neither of which are mutually exclusive: Admonitions from the West transform into narratives of Africa as an eternal basket case using blatantly hypocritical blame-the-victim rhetoric.
These shared assumptions include a conviction in the inability of African governments and ordinary people to independently run their own societies. Certainly Africa has undergone a recent boom for global corporations, asset managers, and the like, with vast returns on commodities that enabled African growth rates to bounce back faster than many other parts of the globe after the recession in — In recent years, investment in other industrial sectors has also taken off, with booms in communications, technology, and the service sector.
Needless to say, this narrative has already been seriously punctured by the commodities price crash of the last few years. In fact, shocking levels of inequality, oppression, and poverty are no less prevalent today than they have been since the end of colonialism.
Patrick Bond, for one, has argued that Africans are poorer today than they were at independence. According to the World Bank, those two countries together have accounted for 55 percent of the industrial value in sub-Saharan Africa, while the other fifty-two countries share the remainder.
In fact, within those centers, the class contradictions are profound. While successive military regimes have used oil proceeds to buy mansions in Mayfair or build castles in the sand in the faraway capital of Abuja [Nigeria], many in the Delta live as their ancestors would have done hundreds, even thousands of years ago.
One of the most extreme cases was Angola, a major producer of oil and diamonds. This period will be sketched out here: Deep inequality, oppression, and misery persist despite the African boom. The dominant narrative on African poverty reduces essentially to this question: Economist Paul Collier is one influential proponent of what amounts to a static account focused on ostensible weaknesses of governance and lack of accountability i.
Particularly during the Cold War, the West actively sought alliances with African elites, sometimes with horrific records on authoritarianism, corruption, and brutality, looking away from this track record when expedient.
Today governance-related conditionalities are central to aid packages. Imperial powers have wielded the hammer of governance as a weapon to ensure the subservience of oppressed nations and as a tool to maintain a competitive advantage against their rivals. On the other hand, these strictures can easily be brushed under the rug when expedient.
On average as much as 7 percent of GDP per annum left South Africa as capital flight between andan equivalent of 25 percent of non-gold imports.
This was entirely due to the transfer activities of the major corporations like Anglo-American and the Rembrandt Group. And their behavior was no less illicit than that of the dictators. Shifting private funds out of South Africa in the s not only defied local capital controls, but also broke the international sanctions regime on apartheid.
As such, the neo-liberal pathologizing of the corrupt black African state simply does not hold. Yet the common thread connecting these varied approaches is a shared assumption of the detrimental legacies of colonialism and neoliberalism: African poverty is not simply a fact of nature but was manufactured through the historical processes of exploitation and neoliberalism, built upon and impacted by the legacies of colonialism and underdevelopment.
Writers such as Eric Toussaint, among many others, have made critical contributions to an understanding that Western foreign policy toward Africa does not merely produce poverty and inequality as an accidental byproduct, but rather, that Third World debt, structural adjustment, privatization, and trade liberalization are intentional strategies of a neoliberal agenda.
Marxists have situated the neoliberal era in the context of a crisis not just of profitability in the posts recession period, but also more broadly as a political and economic program to manage the contradictions of the system of capitalism: For David Harvey, among others, the neoliberal era is the period of the posts crisis to the present, marked by a host of economic policies aimed at breaking down barriers to trade and investment by the West and to facilitate the political and social conditions most favorable for capital accumulation.
Conditions such as compliant local regimes, low wages, weak or no unions, overall high levels of labor exploitation, weak regulatory environments i.
In the period of postindependence Africa, Western governments and institutions—through the particular structure of investment, aid, loans, and trade policy—extended relationships whose nature was fundamentally similar to the prior era.
In other words, within the newly-emerged rubric of independence, the West aimed to impose economic and political policies that largely continued—rather than overturned—structural conditions of weak states, political instability, and a lopsided structural pattern of their economies inherited from colonialism.
Within the historical trajectory of the previous half-century, various strategies can be identified, emerging at particular moments: Yet, as will be outlined below, this rosy business environment is fraught with its own contradictions: Last—and by no means least—competitive pressures and a downturn in the Chinese economy have recently given way to a new round of crises, one that threatens to drag down other sections of the globe along with it.
The classic boom and bust cycle of capitalism—and the possible retreat of the new horde of enthusiastic corporate investors—present a serious threat to working class and poor Africans, one likely to deepen the misery for many on the continent.Modernity, Modern Social Theory, and the Postmodern Critique* By Robert Antonio and Douglas Kellner Over a century ago, Nietzsche (, ) berated the modern scientist's narrow.
Data on the distribution of income and wealth show that the UK is a highly economically unequal society: for Miliband these levels of economic inequality are maintained only because the rich have the indirect political power to ensure that they are maintained.
Three influential frameworks- critical theory, feminism, and socialism stand out the most in comtempory sociology False Hughes Chapter #24 page 16 YOU MIGHT ALSO LIKE.
With the fall of Fascism, rise of Socialism and the RIMA exhibition, Italian talents in interior decorating were made evident, and with the Italian economic miracle, Italy saw a growth in industrial production and also mass-made furniture.
As a political movement, socialism includes a diverse pattern of political philosophies, ranging from reformism to revolutionary socialism, from a planned economy to market socialism. In a planned economy, the means of production are publicly owned and the government which is in charge of coordinating and distributing production.
This is dangerous because the struggle for socialism must be political as well as economic and without an understanding of that, political ideas alien to the working class can creep into the movement.
While we must fight for reform that benefits the working class, by no .